97 Theses!
(As provided by David HO and his colleagues.)


1. Recognizes the eventual unification of China is a common wish and aspiration common in every Chinese.

2. Realizes that although an end to British rule in Hong Kong is a positive step towards achieving the goal of a unified China; the interests of China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao at the present moment and of the near future can be best served by a continuation of the de facto independence for the latter three territories.

3. Observed that Hong Kong has already achieved de facto independence since the Second World War and this has greatly benefited the territory's political, social and economic development.

4. Understands the dramatic differences between Hong Kong and China on the whole with respect to each their social, political and economic levels.

5. Believes that Hong Kong and China should remain two distinct de facto independent entities for the benefit of both countries and their people until the latter has reached a similar social, political and economic level as that of Hong Kong.

6. Questions the legitimacy of the present Chinese regime to govern China in a civilized manner when it has conducted numerous military exercises which have brought social turmoil and economic hardships to the Taiwanese whom Beijing regards as their own people.

7. Foresees Chinese policy towards Hong Kong under Beijing rule comparable to that of a malevolent occupying power towards its conquered territories.

8. Observed how the impending Occupation has already caused great social unrest and has led to a lost in confidence in Hong Kong among the general populace.

9. Cognizant of the further instability caused by Beijing in Hong Kong and its populace through the former's determination to introduce and enforce repressive laws in Occupied Hong Kong.

10. Recognizes that the British have granted all their dependent territories a democratic system of government upon their.

11. Believes that as a result of the end of the British presence in Hong Kong the setting up of a democratic system of government is not only moral but also logical.

12. Praises the people of Hong Kong and the governments of the United Kingdom and Hong Kong for taking an active role in establishing a democratic system in the territory.

13. Realized that although the British have practiced racist policies against the ethnic Chinese in Hong Kong in the past, these attitudes have changed in a positive manner; not because of the impeding Occupation, but rather because Britain as a whole is actively promoting multiculturalism within its own soil as evident by its immigration policies.

14. Reaffirms the legitimacy of the present process of democratization in Hong Kong as the product of the level of maturity that the territory as achieved in its social, political and economic arenas.

15. Regrets that Beijing has equated the notion of loyalty to the nation with loyalty to the regime.

16. Defends the rights of Hong Kongers' to live in a liberal and democratic society; a right that will be seriously jeopardized by Beijing rule.

17. Urges all Hong Kongers to fight for their democratic rights and freedoms.

18. Calls for international support for the continual of Hong Kong's present drive towards full democracy.

19. Insulted that pro-democratic persons have been labelled as traitors.

20. Salutes the pro-democrats in Hong Kong in leading the fight for all Hong Kongers in their fight against impending authoritarian rule from Beijing.

21. Denounces Beijing's plans to setup the illegitimate Provisional Legislature (hereafter known as Conleg - Con Legislature)

22. Outraged at Beijing's proposal to scrap the democratically-elected Legco.

23. Challenges the legitimacy and authority of an undemocratic governing body such as Conleg.

24. Demands the Chinese government to revoke all its plans to undermine the current democratic systems in Hong Kong.

25. Declares all decisions made by the Provisional Committee to be null and void.

26. Demands the immediate and unconditional disbandment of the Provisional Committee.

27. Demands that all plans to setup Conleg be scrapped immediately.

28. Demands the Scam Committee to cease all their activities including the selection of members to Conleg.

29. Regards Conleg as a puppet of Beijing, an instrument to be used to legislate repressive laws in Occupied Hong Kong.

30. Discouraged that certain members who were democratically-elected to Legco have given their support to Conleg.

31. Observed that the planned establishment of Conleg has destablized the social and political environment in Hong Kong.

32. Considers the attempt to create this renegade governing body only serves the purpose of those who wish to consolidate governing power solely for themselves.

33. Regards the members of Conleg as opportunists whom have taken advantage of the situation to gain power after failing to do so in a democratic fashion.

34. Challenges Beijing's to back up their desire to see stability in Hong Kong by recognizing the results of last year's Legco elections which were representative of the wishes of the people of Hong Kong.

35. Disappointed that certain local business leaders are offering their support to Conleg.

36. Foresees that these business leaders will manipulate Conleg for their personal gains.

37. Regards the unholy alliance between the Chinese government and certain local business leaders as the real conspiracy in their attempt to secure fascist rule in Occupied-Hong Kong.

38. Considers the Better Hong Kong Foundation as nothing but an elitist and oligarchic society setup by certain local business leaders to gain political power and influence in Occupied Hong Kong.

39. Ridicules the dedication the leaders of the Better Hong Kong Foundation have towards Hong Kong and their Foundation itself when these individuals cannot even get together for a photo shoot.

40. Regards the closed-door meetings of the Selection and Provisional Committees and the Better Hong Kong Foundation as proof of the conspiracy determined to establish fascist rule in Hong Kong.

41. Rebuffs Qian Qichen's false assertion stating that the process of selecting the members of Conleg is the first-ever democratic elections in Hong Kong when this selection is anything but democratic.

42. Encouraged by the actions of certain elements of Hong Kong society that are actively condemning Conleg.

43. Recognizes Legco as the only true legitimate Lower House of Hong Kong, democratically elected according to the wishes of Hong Kongers.

44. Rebuffs the arguments by certain elements of the pro-Beijing faction claiming that the Legco election was unrepresentative due to what was considered as a low voter turnout because to hypothesize that their faction had captured the support of the majority of those that have not voted is baseless and ridiculous.

45. Considers this groundless attack by such individuals in the pro-Beijing faction as further evidence that they have no intention on gaining power through democratic means.

46. Recognizes Hong Kong's niche as a leader in economic and social development in the Far East in this interdependent world.

47. Declares that the impeding Occupation of Hong Kong is an international affair because it affects people within China, Hong Kong and the rest of the world.

48. Encourages the international community to take a similar stance against the Occupation as it has taken to condemn Apartheid in South Africa.

49. Regards Beijing's attempt to de-internationalize the event revolving around the impeding Occupation of Hong Kong as proof of their plans to rule with an iron fist.

50. Saddened by the fact that there may be attempts to delay formal classes on the English language until Primary 4; thus affecting Hong Kongers' English ability in a negative manner and significantly damaging Hong Kong's niche as an international economic centre.

51. Considers those that have joined the Selection Committee (hereafter known as the Scam Committee) to be irresponsible individuals who have allied themselves with Beijing for personal gain at the expense of Hong Kongers.

52. Concerned about the real prospects that the existing laissez-faire way of life in Hong Kong will continue under an authoritarian regime.

53. Appalled at Beijing's continual crackdown of political opponents.

54. Celebrates the fact that Hong Kong will have officially achieved the status of a First-World Nation as of January 1, 1997.

55. Questions the maintenance of Hong Kong's First-World social and political infrastructure under Beijing rule.

56. Believes that the amelioration of Hong Kong's social welfare net is a process that goes hand-in-hand with the territory's progress to becoming recognized as a First-World nation.

57. Laughs at China's flip-flop policy concerning the improvement of social welfare in Hong Kong from opposing it first and later promoting it after a certain Chinese government official has visited the "cage-homes" in Hong Kong.

58. Scoffs at the majority of those who have condemned the widening of the social welfare net in Hong Kong as a low attempt on their part to secure their own selfish economic interests through minimizing the expenses that the Occupied Hong Kong government will need to provide for social welfare.

59. Considers these individuals to be the true enemies of Hong Kong and her people.

60. Regards the effort to halt the construction of Chek Lap Kok and all related infrastructure as an attempt by Beijing to divert capital from the monetary reserves of Hong Kong to fund the private enterprises of the Chinese leaders.

61. Disgusted by Beijing's personal attacks against Chris Patten.

62. Regards this childish tactic by Beijing as one of its pathetic attempts to divert Hong Kongers from focusing on the issue regarding Hong Kong's impending occupation to entrenching an atmosphere of West-bashing in the territory.

63. Considers Beijing's accusations against Patten's alleged violation of the Basic Law with the implementation of democratic reforms to be baseless since the Decision of the National People's Congress on the Method for the Formation of the First Government and the First Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region adapted on April 4, 1990 is not a constituent part of the Basic Law.

64. Regrets that Patten's comments about the Hong Kong business community has been interpreted as an attack on the entire community.

65. Considers those who have allied themselves with Chinese leaders in a conspiracy against Hong Kongers and misusing the power of the voice of the Hong Kong business community to condemn Patten as cowards and scum.

66. Witnessed the ever-increasing self-censorship practiced by the Hong Kong media.

67. Regards the relative large percentage of Hong Kongers holding foreign passports as a resounding rejection against Beijing rule.

68. Regards an even greater number of Hong Kongers fighting for BNOs as further evidence of Hong Kongers vote of non-confidence against Beijing.

69. Considers the continual exodus of Hong Kongers as a sign of the ills of Beijing rule.

70. Recognizes the return of Hong Kongers holding foreign passports to the territory as a personal economic necessity and not as a rejection of Western values and institutions.

71. Condemns Beijing for bringing forth the racial issue in its promotion of racist attitudes against the British and the West; evident by the former's constant diversion of issues whenever disagreements arise between the Chinese and British governments where the Chinese have on many occasions accused the West to be involved in a conspiracy to undermine the economic and social developments of China.

72. Considers that the Communist regime in China today is in reality anything but communist; rather, it is a rightist, authoritarian and oligarchic regime.

73. Concludes that this misnomer is an intentional plot by Beijing to fool people that it is a leftist regime while in fact all its ideals are fascist.

74. Observed that under this veil of deceit, pro-democrats in Hong Kong and China do not have a clear understanding of where they lie in the political spectrum and have thus played into Beijing's scheme to divide and conquer the democratic forces in both Hong Kong and China.

75. Regards Qian Qichen's invitation to allow members of the Democratic Party to join the Scam Committee as a deceitful tactic to divide the democratic forces of Hong Kong.

76. Calls upon the immediate resignation of Qian Qichen on account of the outrageous lies he has made to the people of Hong Kong.

77. Aware of the growing cases of cross-border illegal activities which will only increase as a result of the Shenzhen River's ceasing to become an international border.

78. Recognized the efforts of people of various ethnic backgrounds that have worked together to build Hong Kong.

79. Considers the plea of ethnic Indians in Hong Kong requesting for British citizenship as a vote of non-confidence to Beijing.

80. Witnessed that the ultranationalistic tones promoted by Beijing with respect to the Occupation has given rise to the dramatic increase of racist attitudes among certain Hong Kong Chinese against foreigners.

81. Regards stereotypes portraying British and Americans as "evil imperialists" to be a deceitful scheme perpetrated by Beijing to promote anti-West sentiments in Hong Kong and China.

82. Disgusted by the irresponsible actions of certain religious leaders in Hong Kong that have supported the various Countdown-to-Occupation Ceremonies which have totally contradicted the neutral political stance they should assume as religious leaders.

83. Concludes that the religious leaders involved in such activities are corrupt and are disgraceful to their respective faiths.

84. Denounces the evacuation of the residents of Rennie's Mill as another act of submission to Beijing's authority on the part of the present Hong Kong government.

85. Considers this evacuation as proof that Beijing has no intention to allow political opposition of any kind in Hong Kong.

86. Regards this act as Beijing's non-compliance to the Basic Law of Hong Kong which guarantees the freedom of expression and thought.

87. Regards Patten's democratic reforms to be fully justified and adhering to "the ultimate aim ... of all the members of the Legislative Council (elected) by universal suffrage" as stated in Article 68 of the Basic Law of Hong Kong.

88. Declares that any attempt to dissolve Legco by the Chief Executive of Occupied Hong Kong (a.k.a. Hong Kong SAR) would cause Article 70 of the Basic Law to come into play where Legco must be "reconstituted by election in accordance with Article 68 (of the Basic Law)".

89. Regards the five stars on the bauhinia which refer to the communist party, workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie and patriotic capitalists on the flag and emblem of Occupied Hong Kong to be a clear violation of the Preamble of the Basic Law which states that "the socialist system and policies will not be practiced in Hong Kong" under the spirit of "one country, two systems".

90. Considers this infraction by Beijing as proof that they have no intention of upholding the spirit of "one country, two systems" nor granting Hong Kong "...a high degree of autonomy..." as stated in Article 2 of the Basic Law.

91. Questions the effectiveness of the Basic Law in securing the fundamental freedoms of Hong Kongers under Beijing rule.

92. Questions the promises of Beijing and the future members in Conleg in abiding by the Basic Law.

93. Believes that the sovereignty of Hong Kong cannot be transferred to a regime that does not represent the Chinese people.

94. Declares the Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong signed on December 19, 1984 to be null and void.

95. Demands the self-sovereignty of Hong Kong.

96. Recommends the governments of the United Kingdom, China and Hong Kong to draw up new plans to provide for the transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong solely to Hong Kong for a minimum of fifty years and eventually for Hong Kong's unification with the motherland pending the situation at no earlier than 2047.

97. Concludes that Hong Kong is a part of China, but it should never become a part of the People's Republic. 


[ Home! ]


Return to Hong Kong 1997: Step Back Non-Believers!

BACK TO: High Speed Table of Contents
BACK TO: Regular Table of Contents
Rushmore DBA
Main Site Page
Tess & Charles Internet Romance